Since the 1950s, directly observed therapy has been a tool used to ensure that a person with tuberculosis takes all of the medication needed to cure their infection and stave off drug resistance. Treatment worked and TB became truly rare in the Western Hemisphere. However, after the HIV epidemic struck New York and other American cities in the late 1980s and early 1990s, there was a resurgence of TB, particularly in the homeless, IDU and the prison populations. Directly observed therapy of these sometimes difficult-to-treat groups was largely credited with successfully containing TB in those settings.
But HIV was having a much greater impact on TB control in other parts of the world, so in 1997, the WHO and the International Union against Tuberculosis and Lung Disease (the Union) instituted a new strategy branded around directly observed therapy. The ‘DOTS’ strategy consisted of five key elements:
- Political commitment to provide adequate resources to fight TB
- Detection of active infectious TB by sputum smear microscopy
- A system to ensure regular drug supplies
- A standard recording and reporting system that assesses treatment outcomes
- A standard short-course of at least four drugs including rifampicin, administered by directly observed therapy
Despite the perceptions that DOTS helped contain TB in New York, the last point has been contentious. In fact, Garner and Volmink, who conducted a soon to be published Cochrane Review of DOTS, note, "at the time WHO’s Director General announced the policy in 1997, no trial testing direct observation in tuberculosis existed. In 2006, there are ten trials and 3985 participants in the Cochrane review, with no difference in treatment success shown between policies of direct observation compared with self-administration."
Nevertheless, many countries rolled ahead with universal DOTS, trying to marshal troops of health care workers to monitor adherence in patients, who sometimes lived far from clinics. While the approach seems to have contained TB in most of the world with more developed health care systems, the one-size fits all approach has been an abject failure in Africa, where the TB epidemic continues to spiral out of control. "This standard blueprint approach is reminiscent of machine theory in expectations of how people and systems will behave," wrote Garner and Volmink.
Recognising that there aren’t enough trained health care workers to go around in every setting, WHO has suggested using community volunteers for DOTS — and this has indeed worked in some settings. Even so, the authors (Newell et al) of the Nepal study noted two concerns: "Direct observation of treatment could reduce treatment seeking and completion because of the cost, inconvenience, and stigma associated with visiting a health centre or community volunteer daily; and emphasis is placed on identifying when patients have defaulted from treatment rather than supporting them to complete treatment."
Treatment activists also have problems with DOTS because it isn’t patient-centred. At the opening ceremony of the 36th World Conference on Lung Health last year, Zachie Achmat of South Africa’s Treatment Action Campaign said that with DOTS "patients are not regarded as independent autonomous people with dignity and the ability to take control of their own health or illness. People with TB are treated as public health cases."
One possible alternative approach is to identify and train a family member to assist a person with TB complete their treatment — and the family would have an incentive to make sure that TB is cured. But the Union and WHO have generally frowned on this approach because studies have not evaluated it under TB control programme conditions. But similar to using community health volunteers for DOTS, family based support could be particularly useful when people live in far flung areas with little access to health services.